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Family
Children:
  1. Great King of Patawomeck: Birth: 1578. Death: 22 May 1623

  2. Zapasaw: Birth: 1590 in Werowocomoco, VA,. Death: 1622 in Caroline, VA

  3. Kocoum: Birth: 1590. Death: 1613


Notes
a. Note:   Bill Deyo from Patawomeck Tides (2009)
  "For years there has been
 controversy about the identity of Chief Powhatan�s father. Some of the early records state that
 he was the son of Nemattanon, alias Don Luis de Velasco, who was taken by the Spanish when
 he was young and returned many years later. I even stated this in some of my published books,
 but I now believe that he was not Powhatan�s father. The ages do not match well enough for
 him to have been a father of Powhatan, since Nemattanon was born about 1543, and Powhatan
 was born about 1545. Since Nemattanon held the same position as Powhatan, he could only
 have been the younger brother of Powhatan�s mother, through whom the �royal� bloodline
 flowed."
  Paquiquineo(aka Don Luis de Velasco) (fl. 1561-?)
  Paquiquineo, later Don Lu�s de Velasco, was a Virginia Algonquian who served as an interpreter and liaison for the Spanish during their failed attempt to establish a mission in the Chesapeake region in 1570, decades before the arrival of the English at Jamestown. Though little is certain about Paquiquineo�s life before or after his dealings with the Spanish, his legacy is of great importance to both early Euro-Indian relations and the history of Virginia. "The idea is an intriguing one," writes historian Charlotte M. Gradie, "for the Jesuit failure to establish a mission in Virginia was a turning point in the history of Spain's American empire as well as in Jesuit history: Virginia was left to the English, and the Jesuits built their great missions elsewhere."
  The son of a chief, Paquiquineo crossed paths with the Spanish years earlier in the Chesapeake, and either by force or of his own volition, accompanied the Spanish to Mexico, then on to Spain, sometime around 1561. During his stay in Europe, he impressed King Philip II and obtained permission to accompany a Catholic mission back to the Chesapeake region of Virginia. A quick stop in Mexico turned into many years after Paquiquineo fell ill. During his time in Mexico, Paquiquineo converted to Christianity and was given the name Don Lu�s de Velasco after his sponsor, the current viceroy of New Spain (present-day Mexico). After his conversion, Paquiquineo reassured the priests of his desire to return to his homeland, which he referred to as Ajac�n, and introduce his people to the God of the Spanish. After two failed attempts, his wish was realized when he landed on the James River in September 1570, accompanied by a group of Jesuit priests and a teenage altar boy, Alonso de Olmos, more than nine years after he had left. No soldiers accompanied the mission to Virginia, which was unusual; the priests worried the soldiers would curtail their efforts to establish peaceful relations with the Indians they set out to convert.
  The difficulty in returning to Virginia would not be the only hardship faced by the Jesuits in their failed attempt to establish a northern mission. Soon after helping the priests establish their mission on the York River, Paquiquineo opted to return to his Paspahegh village-an understandable choice for a boy who had been away from his people for nine years, and now returned as a man. Father Juan Rogel, a priest who stayed behind in La Florida, noted in a letter that Paquiquineo "did not sleep in their hut more than two nights nor stay in the village where the Fathers made their settlement for more than five days. Finally he was living with his kinsmen, a journey of a day and a half away." Paquiquineo soon adopted the practices expected of a chief�s son. His decision to take multiple wives was met with derision from the priests, who hoped he would serve as an example to his tribe of the benefits of a pagan life converted.
  Throughout the following winter, Paquiquineo ignored multiple entreaties by the priests for both food and his services as an interpreter. The Spanish had picked an unfortunate time to return to Virginia, as the Indians there were experiencing a severe famine brought about by a long period of drought. The priests survived until February by trading copper and tin for maize with surrounding villages, which may have only worsened relations with Paquiquineo and his tribe. In February, three priests went to Paquiquineo�s town in search of aid and the young man�s return to the Catholic faith. On February 4th, Paquiquineo killed the three priests then traveled back to the Spanish mission, where he and other members of his tribe killed the remaining Jesuits, leaving only Alonso alive. Father Rogel, who later interviewed Olmos (although sources disagree on whether Alonso witnessed the murders), wrote that Paquiquineo greeted Father Juan Bautista de Segura: "Raising his club and giving his greeting were really one gesture, and so in wishing him well, he killed him."
  A military expedition was sent to the James River in August of 1572, after no traces had been found of the Jesuit mission by a relief ship that had made the journey some months earlier. A smaller number of Paquiquineo's people were captured and found guilty of the missionaries� murder, after several of the tribesmen were discovered with items once belonging to the Jesuits. Alonso was returned to the Spanish, but the man they knew as Don Lu�s was never seen by the Spaniards again. Although it is pure speculation, since he was a Paspahegh Indian, Paquiquineo may have been still a member of the Paspahegh tribe when the English arrived and built James Fort in the midst of Paspahegh territory.
  Although the Spanish found Paquiquineo to be �a most convenient scapegoat,� blaming him for the failure of the mission ignores the complexities of cross-cultural interaction as witnessed throughout European colonization of the Americas and beyond. The short-lived Spanish experiment in Virginia would have likely influenced the Powhatan and other surrounding tribes in their dealings with the English. Thus Paquiquineo leaves an important legacy in the study of Jamestown and the diverse cultural groups that inhabited the region.
  Paquiquineo/Don Lu�s de Velasco
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 Title
 Paquiquineo/Don Lu�s de Velasco
 Description
 James Horn, author of numerous books on colonial America, and Douglas Foard, expert on Spanish history at George Mason University, describe the remarkable story of Virginia Indian Paquiquineo, also known by the Spanish as Don Lu�s de Velasco. This audio clip is an excerpt from an interview that originally aired in July 2005, on the radio program With Good Reason, which is produced by the Virginia Foundation for the Humanities and hosted by Sarah McConnell.
 Creator
 VFH Radio, a program of the Virginia Foundation for the Humanities
 Date Created
 July 2005
 Source
 VFH Radio
 Coverage
 Chesapeake Bay, Spain, Chickahominy River, sixteenth century
 Tags: Christianity, conflict, contact, Jesuits, religion, travel
  Transcript
 James Horn: ��I think there�s a third remarkable person in this story. His name is Paquiquineo, he was an Indian who was picked up by a Spanish ship that entered the Chesapeake Bay in 1561. It�s thought he was picked up somewhere near the Chickahominy River and he was described as a principal person among the Indians. It appears that he volunteered to go with the Spanish ship Caravel back to Spain and he was presented, in 1561 or thereabouts to Philip II in the newly established capital of Madrid. He stayed in Madrid during the winter and then asked to return to his own land. But he goes on remarkable travels, he travels to Mexico City where he fell seriously ill but recovered and then some years later he returns to the Chesapeake Bay, or at least there�s an attempt in 1566. I think he is a key influence in why the Spanish went to the Chesapeake Bay and he persuades Men�ndez and also Segura that he will be the instrument by which the Indians will be converted and from the Indians the Spanish could learn about a passage to the Pacific and beyond to China.
  Douglas Foard: He�s a really great character, he�s picked up as Jim mentioned, and hauled to Spain and then set up in Mexico and took the name Don Lu�s after the viceroy of Mexico. He was so highly regarded and of course he converted to the Roman Catholic faith and ends up in Havana dying to get back to his home country, which we call Virginia and it is when he meets up with Father Segura in Havana and tells him the story of this land and its wonderful people and its inviting climate and its close connection to the tribes of Virginia that Segura thinks, �this is a piece of cake, we can do this, we don�t need soldiers to do it. We Jesuits can work with this man, introduce [ourselves] to the native Americans and convert them to our faith and secure them as allies for Spain,� along what appears to be a major trading route to the West. It was a great deal and it is Don Lu�s de Velasco, they called him, that sold this to the Spanish, even to the skeptical tough-minded governor of Florida. It was quite a sell and he must have been a real charmer.
  McConnell: So, how many people bordered what ship and landed where?
  Foard: The Spanish had established an advanced base at Santa Elena, which is now as I said at Paris Island, and from there the, eight persons sailed with Captain Gomez into the Chesapeake Bay.
  McConnell: And Don Lu�s?
  Foard: And Don Lu�s, of course. When the Jesuits landed they portaged between two rivers which apparently were the James and the York and Don Lu�s then said goodbye to them and returned to his people across the river and promised to come back with supplies and help. There was some resupply, but not much help and what occurs is that the Jesuits in desperation because they were starving, crossed the river and scold Don Lu�s for not helping and also discover that he was living in sin and with several wives, humiliate him publicly and he did not take it well and he in fact led an attack on the Jesuit mission in 1571 and wiped out the four priests and three of the boys that were with them, leaving only one alive. Alonso de los Olmos was his name. Captain Gomez finally got back to the colony in 1571 and found no one there except Native Americans on the shoreline dressed in priest�s cassocks, inviting him to come ashore and he recognized that what had happened was that the colony had been destroyed. He reported that back to Governor Men�ndez who arrived in the bay the following year, captured the Native Americans who were on the shoreline and hung every one of them
  Don Lu�s de Velasco / Paquiquineo (fl. 1561-1571)
 Contributed by Brendan Wolfe
 Paquiquineo, later Don Lu�s de Velasco, was a Virginia Indian who encountered Spanish explorers on the Chesapeake Bay in 1561 and returned to Spain with them, either voluntarily or as a captive. There, he appeared before King Philip II and was granted permission to lead a Catholic mission back to the Chesapeake, a land the Spaniards believed the Indians called Ajac�n. A brief stop in Mexico City turned into a years-long stay after Paquiquineo became ill. During that time he converted to Christianity, taking the name of the viceroy of New Spain (present-day Mexico), Don Lu�s de Velasco. After two failed attempts to return home with Dominican missionaries, Don Lu�s sailed again to Spain, where he joined a group of Jesuit priests, and finally landed on the James River in September 1570-more than nine years after he had left. He initially aided the Jesuits, but quickly reunited with his family and, in February 1571, led an ambush that killed the missionaries save for an altar boy, Alonso de Olmos. While contemporary Spanish chroniclers demonized Paquiquineo, at least one modern scholar has suggested that the violence may have been a symbolic and predictable reaction to violations of the Indians' gift-exchange economy. In 1572 the Spanish dispatched soldiers to Ajac�n. They hanged a handful of Indians but did not find Paquiquineo, who subsequently disappeared from history. Based on Jamestown-era rumors, some historians have argued that Paquiquineo and Opechancanough were the same person.
  Nothing is known of Paquiquineo's life prior to late June 1561, when he and a companion encountered the Spanish caravel Santa Catalina. The ship's captain, Antonio Vel�zquez, had been running supplies from a Spanish settlement at Polanco (present-day Pensacola, Florida) to another settlement at the Point of Santa Elena (near present-day Parris Island, South Carolina) when a storm blew him north and into the Chesapeake Bay. He and his crew were probably in search of fresh water when they spied two Indians on shore. Historians have variously suggested that Paquiquineo hailed from a Paspahegh, Chiskiack, or Kecoughtan family, but most seem to agree that he was a boy or young man at the time.
  Spanish chroniclers and subsequent historians have provided conflicting versions of Paquiquineo's encounter with the Europeans. The Relation of Bartolom� Mart�nez, written by a minor Spanish official and dated October 24, 1610, claims that Paquiquineo met the Spanish with his father, the chief. The Spanish captain (whom Mart�nez misidentified as Pedro Men�ndez de Avil�s, the founder of Saint Augustine) first "regaled" the Indians with gifts of food and clothing, and then asked the chief for permission to take Paquiquineo to meet the king of Spain. The chief assented. While many historians have broadly accepted this version of events, others have argued that it is more likely that Paquiquineo was kidnapped. Spanish captains regularly captured boys and young men to serve as interpreters. In fact, Vel�zquez had two such men-Indians from New Spain-on board when he met Paquiquineo. The historian Camilla Townsend has noted a source in which a "Spaniard gave the game away, indicating that the young men [Paquiquineo and his companion] had said their families would have no way of knowing what had happened to them."
  Title: Excerpt from a Letter
 Justifying Expenses (September
 1561)
 Excerpt from a Letter
 Justifying Expenses (September
 1561)
 Whatever the circumstances of the encounter, the Spaniards came to believe that Paquiquineo was an important person. Perhaps for this reason Vel�zquez sailed to Europe with him rather than return to the Caribbean. He landed in Lagos, Portugal, and traveled with the two Virginia Indians overland to Seville, Spain, arriving on September 9, 1561. There he filed a request at the House of Trade for fifty ducats to purchase formal clothing for Paquiquineo, whom he referred to as the "princely person." In his report, the bureaucrat carefully spelled out Paquiquineo's name.
  Vel�zquez intended to present Paquiquineo at the court of Philip II, and by the end of October he had transported the Indian to the king's new capital, Madrid. Paquiquineo's arrival came a decade after the famous debate between the Dominican friar Bartolom� de las Casas and the Franciscan theologian Juan Gin�s de Sep�lveda. Las Casas argued that American Indians, being rational animals, should be converted to Christianity by peaceful means; Sep�lveda countered that they could only be warred upon. By 1561, the Dominicans had largely prevailed, and Philip ordered that Paquiquineo-who up to this point had resisted conversion-join a Dominican mission back to his homeland, which the Spanish believed Paquiquineo called Ajac�n (likely pronounced Ah-zha-KAHN).
  Two Failed Missions
 After spending the winter in Spain, Paquiquineo and his companion sailed from C�diz at the end of May 1562, their ship part of a fleet captained by Pedro Men�ndez de Avil�s. The plan was to make a brief stop in New Spain before departing for Ajac�n with the Dominicans. They arrived at San Juan de Ul�a, near Veracruz, on August 10. Soon after that they visited the capital at Mexico City, where Paquiquineo and his companion both became ill. Only on the brink of death did they consent to baptism, at which point, according to the Dominican provincial, "our lord was moved to give them back their health." Now a Christian, Paquiquineo took the name Don Lu�s de Velasco, after the viceroy of New Spain.
  Spanish authorities had authorized a ship on its way to Spain to drop off the Dominicans at the Chesapeake Bay, but because of the Indians' illness they missed their boat. When Don Lu�s and his companion sought passage home some other way, the Dominican provincial, Father Pedro de la Feria, asked his superiors to force them to remain: "if they were to return to their rites and idolatries, and thus lose their souls," wrote Feria in 1563 to the king, "their baptism would have caused them to be damned."
  Title: La Florida
 La Florida
 In the same letter, dated February 13, 1563, Feria proposed a new mission to Ajac�n to be led by Captain Vel�zquez of the Santa Catalina, who would be accompanied by fifty soldiers and two priests. But the king refused him, having already authorized another expedition to the Chesapeake, one that eventually failed even to depart the Caribbean. Not until October 1565 did a new opportunity arise. By then Pedro Men�ndez de Avil�s was adelantado, or governor, of the Spanish province of La Florida, an area that stretched from the Delaware Bay in the north to Mexico's P�nuco River in the south, and included much of the present-day American Southeast, Texas, and parts of northern Mexico. After founding Saint Augustine (in present-day Florida) and wiping out a nearby French garrison at Fort Caroline, Men�ndez de Avil�s proposed that the Spaniards exploit their victory by sailing north. First, they should secure the Point of Santa Elena and then build a fort on the Chesapeake Bay, "which is the land of the Indians who are in Mexico." For forty years the Spanish government had suspected that the Chesapeake Bay might promise the rich natural resources that points to the south had so far failed to yield. In addition, Men�ndez de Avil�s hoped to find in this area a shortcut to either the Pacific Ocean or the Gulf of Mexico.
  Men�ndez de Avil�s summoned Don Lu�s and two Dominican friars to Havana, Cuba. (Don Lu�s was living at the Santo Domingo convent in Mexico City, despite having been encouraged to return to Spain. Meanwhile, his companion had disappeared from Spanish records.) Then, on August 1, 1566, the adelantado placed Ensign Pedro de Coronas in command of La Trinidad, its crew, fifteen soldiers, three bureaucrats, and Don Lu�s. Fathers Pablo de San Pedro and Juan de Acu�a were assigned to govern the colony. They all sailed for Ajac�n the next day. On August 14, while just north of the Chesapeake Bay, probably in present-day Chincoteague Bay, Maryland, La Trinidad encountered a fierce storm that blew the ship out to sea. Ten days later, the Spaniards anchored off the coast of present-day North Carolina; the next day they landed and claimed the area for Spain. Some time after that the ship again sailed north, searching for Don Lu�s's homeland. While anchored once more at Chincoteague Bay, another storm hit, and on September 6 the ship's pilot ruled that La Trinidad would sail east to Spain rather than return to the Caribbean.
  Once the expedition landed in C�diz, on October 23, the recriminations began. Ensign Coronas blamed Don Lu�s, writing in his report that the Indian was unable to recognize the waters of the Chesapeake Bay. The ship's pilot blamed the weather, while those close to Pedro Men�ndez de Avil�s blamed the Dominicans. Men�ndez de Avil�s's brother-in-law, Gonzalo Sol�s de Mer�s, wrote that while Don Lu�s was "crafty," "a good Christian," and intelligent, the Dominican fathers were exhausted by the "hunger, hardships and danger in Florida." For this reason they conspired with the crew of La Trinidad, including the pilot, to bypass the bay and then blame their failure on the weather. Some modern historians have argued that Don Lu�s may have chosen not to identify Ajac�n in order to thwart the Spanish military men who accompanied the mission.
  Return to Ajac�n
 Don Lu�s spent the next four years studying in Seville with Jesuits. In the meantime, the Jesuit leader in La Florida, Father Juan Baptista de Segura, planned a new mission to the Chesapeake Bay. Although he had described La Florida as "one long pile of sand" and the Indians who lived there as "beasts," he nevertheless erred on the side of Bartolom� de las Casas: the Indians could and should be converted only through peaceful means. Men�ndez de Avil�s, still intent on establishing a Spanish presence north of Santa Elena, approved a nonmilitary mission. Sometime in the middle of 1570 Don Lu�s arrived in Havana.
  When he arrived, Segura's missionaries were bickering with one another and with Men�ndez de Avil�s. At some point, Father Antonio Sede�o called for Segura's removal, while Men�ndez de Avil�s tried to insist on 100 soldiers for protection. He failed, and when the missionaries sailed from Havana at the end of July, their members consisted only of religious men, and relatively inexperienced ones at that. In addition to Segura and Sede�o, there were Fathers Juan Rogel and Lu�s de Quir�s; Brothers Gabriel G�mez, Sancho de Zaballos, and Pedro Mingot de Linares; and three lay catechists: Crist�bal Redondo, Juan Baptista M�ndez, and Gabriel de Sol�s.
  On August 5, 1570, the missionaries anchored at Santa Elena, and a Jesuit living there, Brother Juan de la Carrera, argued that they should not be traveling without military protection. Segura responded that Don Lu�s had promised that Ajac�n, like India and Japan, boasted a large population of potential converts. Writing in 1600, with the benefit of hindsight, Carrera recalled his thoughts about Don Lu�s: "The Indian did not satisfy me, and judging by what he had told me, I saw that he was a liar." Fathers Rogel and Sede�o decided to stay behind, while a teenager, Alonso de Olmos, joined the mission as an altar boy and a woodsman.
  The missionaries arrived on September 10 to a warm welcome from Don Lu�s's people. In a letter to a Spanish official in Cuba, Quir�s wrote that the Indians "seemed to think that Don Luis had risen from the dead and come down from heaven," and they begged the missionaries to stay. Numbering fewer than the missionaries had expected, the Indians were perhaps desperate, Quir�s wrote, because for six years they had been living in drought conditions and suffering from widespread famine. And yet they still seemed willing to "give to us from their poverty"-at least until what Quir�s described as "a bit of blundering" changed the dynamic between the two groups.
  The anthropologist Seth Mallios has argued that the Algonquian-speaking Indians in the area participated in a gift-exchange economy, meaning that instead of trading goods of equal value, they gave gifts. In return, the gift-givers did not receive goods but debts, or the unspoken promise of future gifts. Quir�s notes that when the Spaniards (unknowingly) violated this protocol by attempting to trade, the Indians followed their lead. They shifted forms of exchange, from a something-for-nothing exchange to something-for-something, and demanded "trinkets" in return for their generosity. This, in turn, upset the Jesuit plan of bestowing gifts only on those Indians they hoped to convert to Christianity (i.e., Don Lu�s's tribe). Mallios points out that the Jesuits later engaged in trade with groups outside of Don Lu�s's tribe, inadvertently insulting their hosts and leading to the violence that followed.
  The Mission Ends
  Title: C: Smith taketh the King
 of Pamaunkee prisoner
 C: Smith taketh the King
 of Pamaunkee prisoner
 The Jesuits established their mission on a site some distance from where they landed, leading scholars to speculate that Don Lu�s may have directed them to a spot where, already short of food, they might demand support from a different tribe. Whatever the case, the missionaries used lumber and nails brought from Cuba to build two small structures: a house of at least two rooms and a chapel. Don Lu�s, meanwhile, appears to have left the missionaries soon after arriving home. According to a letter written in 1572 by Father Juan Rogel, one of the priests who stayed behind in Santa Elena, Don Lu�s "did not sleep in their hut more than two nights nor stay in the village where the Fathers made their settlement for more than five days. Finally he was living with his brothers a journey of a day and a half away." Later Rogel charged that Don Lu�s "fell into evil ways" and "took up with women." From the Indians' perspective, he likely exchanged his Spanish identity for his Indian one, readopting his name and the various customs-including that of marriage-that accompanied it.
  Paquiquineo remained with his family through the winter and did not respond to two messages from Father Segura asking for assistance in securing food and in communicating with the Indians. "They got along as best they could," Rogel later wrote, "going to other villages to barter for maize with copper and tin, until the beginning of February." The anthropologist Mallios identifies this trading as what may have so profoundly insulted Paquiquineo and his people.
  Another anthropologist, Helen C. Rountree, makes a different argument. She notes that Paquiquineo came from a shame culture, or one in which harsh public ridicule motivates members to conform. If the Virginia Algonquian-speakers were like the better-recorded Eastern Woodland peoples, then they were equally anxious to avoid being the subjects of such ridicule. As such, Paquiquineo found himself in an untenable position. If he did what the Jesuits wanted, he would be taunted for acting the servant to negligible, if starving, foreigners. But if he ignored their pleas, he would bear the guilt of knowing he had brought them to Ajac�n only to let them die a slow death. He might even endure additional ridicule for breaking his word to them.
  Title: Paquiquineo's
 Story
 Play Audio
 Paquiquineo's
 Story
  In February 1571, Segura sent Father Quir�s and Brothers Gabriel de Sol�s and Juan Baptista M�ndez to meet with Paquiquineo. On February 4, Paquiquineo killed the three Jesuits and then traveled to the mission, where he and his companions surrounded the house and killed Segura and the remaining Spaniards, leaving only Alonso de Olmos. (Sources disagree as to whether Olmos actually witnessed the killings.) Rogel, who later interviewed Olmos, wrote that Paquiquineo greeted Segura: "Raising his club and giving his greeting were really one gesture, and so in wishing him well, he killed him." Accounts by Juan de la Carrera and Bartolom� Mart�nez both suggest that Paquiquineo and his men killed the Jesuits with the Spaniards' own axes. If these were axes the Jesuits attempted to trade with other tribes, then Paquiquineo, according to Mallios, used the weapons as symbols of his grievance.
  After a relief ship found no trace of the Jesuits, the Spanish governor sent a military expedition to the James River in August 1572. Some of Paquiquineo's people were captured in a skirmish, and several of them were found guilty of the Jesuits' murder and hanged from the ship's yardarms. (One of the Indians wore a paten, or Eucharist dish, around his neck.) In a bid for clemency, the Indians returned Olmos, but the man the Spaniards had known as Don Lu�s was nowhere to be found.
  Legacy
 Paquiquineo disappeared from European records and is not mentioned in any verifiable oral tradition taken from the Virginia Indians by the Jamestown colonists. There were, however, two somewhat garbled rumors among the colonists that may have referred to him. In 1615, the settler Ralph Hamor wrote of "the Spaniards, whose name is odious amongst [the Chickahominy]-for Powhatan's father was driven by them from the West Indies into those parts." This may have been a reference to Don Lu�s, but he likely was not a Chickahominy Indian, and he was a contemporary of the paramount chief Powhatan and not Powhatan's father.
  Title: The History and Present
 State of Virginia
 The History and Present
 State of Virginia
 In his History and Present State of Virginia (1705), Robert Beverley Jr. wrote that the Indians claimed that Powhatan's brother or close relative, Opechancanough, "was a prince of a foreign nation, and came to them a great way from the south-west: and by their accounts, we suppose him to have come from the Spanish Indians, somewhere near Mexico, or the mines of St. Barbe." The Virginia Indians may have said this in an attempt to disavow their association with Opechancanough, whose memory was still detested by the English due to attacks on English settlements he led in 1622 and 1644.
  The idea that Opechancanough had Spanish origins, meanwhile, took hold among some scholars. In his book Jamestown: 1544-1699 (1981), the historian Carl Bridenbaugh popularized the notion that Paquiquineo and Opechancanough were the same person. His theory complemented the widespread belief, established by John Smith in 1624, that Opechancanough had always been hostile to the English, from their landing at Jamestown in 1607 until the chief's death in 1646. Now Bridenbaugh provided an explanation: Opechancanough understood that Europeans could not be trusted because, as Don Lu�s, he had seen firsthand what they had done to the Indians in New Spain and what they intended to do in Ajac�n.
  However, the anthropologist Helen Rountree has countered that there is no documentary proof that Don Lu�s and Opechancanough were the same person, and available evidence suggests that they were not. True, their life spans overlapped and their names-Paquiquineo, recorded by the Spanish, and Opechancanough, recorded by the English-were similar. But even if their names had been identical, according to Rountree, it was not unknown among the Virginia Indians for two people to have the same name. She further argues that Paquiquineo hailed from the mouth of either the Chickahominy or the James river, while Opechancanough came from near the fall line-territories that in 1570 were not yet politically united under Powhatan. Finally, taking note of some claims that Paquiquineo was a chief, Rountree notes that the title was inherited through the mother. If both Paquiquineo and Opechancanough were chiefs, and if their mothers came from different places, then the two men must have been different people.
  It is not known what happened to Paquiquineo, but his legacy has been an important one. For half a century, the Spanish explored the Atlantic coast of La Florida looking for a spot that might produce valuable natural resources and a shortcut to the East Indies and to China. They suspected that the Chesapeake Bay was such a place, and if the Jesuit mission had succeeded, the Spaniards might have planted a colony there, more than thirty years prior to the English landing at Jamestown. "The idea is an intriguing one," the historian Charlotte M. Gradie has written, "for the Jesuit failure to establish a mission in Virginia was a turning point in the history of Spain's American empire as well as in Jesuit history: Virginia was left to the English, and the Jesuits built their great missions elsewhere."


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